Free Speech -- Liberty Rights Papers Internet Censorship

Free Speech â€Å"Whoever would overthrow the liberty of a nation must begin by subduing the freeness of speech.† These words were spoken by Benjamin Franklin, one of our nation’s founding fathers, when the United States was still a newly independent country. Free speech, which is defined as the right to express any opinion in public without censorship or restraint by the government, is a subject that is still present in the minds of many people today. At one extreme of the spectrum is a group of folks that do not care the slightest bit about free speech issues and at another end is a group of people who will vehemently fight to protect their right to free speech. In a middle ground, like most peoples’ stance, lay a large group of individuals who only take notice and take action regarding such issues when they become personally affected. Only when a person is confronted directly with someone or something that limits their actions or ability to express themselves do they begi n to realize just how much they take the right to free speech for granted. And not only is free speech threatening issues becoming more common today, but the age at which individuals come across these threats to free speech is getting even younger. It is starting quite early for today’s children as they are becoming well acquainted with perhaps the most widespread but least recognized threat to our free speech, internet content filters. According to the Computer Professionals for Social Responsibility’s (CPSR) Frequently Asked Questions on filtering, a content filter is one or more pieces of software that work together to prevent users from viewing material found on the Internet and is described by the Electronic Frontier Foundation as a software mechanism for... ...ob at actually restricting access to inappropriate material and rather do a much better job at blocking beneficial resources. First and foremost the issue of government-imposed internet content blocking must be addressed. Once a solution to that has been applied, then the use of filters in general can be tackled. The solution to this can best be summed up by the following quote from the National Research Council’s book, Youth, Pornography, and the Internet, â€Å"Swimming pools can be dangerous for children. To protect them, one can install locks, put up fences, and deploy pool alarms. All these measures are helpful, but by far the most important thing that one can do for one’s children is to teach them to swim.† Once parents address the issues through communication with their children, there will be much less of a need for the â€Å"filtering† software on the market today.

Outline and assess the main positions in the secularisation debate

Abstract This essay tackles the main positions of the secularisation debate. To begin with, this essay examines the ‘bottom up/demand-side’ theory of secularisation, which postulates that as societies go through the process of industrialisation, the religious values that underpin the societal fabric will inevitably erode as the citizenry become more impervious to spiritual pursuits. This essay also examines the importance of the ‘market’ approach to the theory of secularisation, arguing that the top down/supply side perspective is of fundamental significance in order to understand the persistence of religious practice in modern societies. Introduction The secularisation debate has acquired a growing influence in recent years, due to the onset of the postmodern age. Postmodernism posits that in the age of instantaneous communications and ubiquitous access to technology, rigid and fixed classifications pertaining to religion, class, gender and race have been significantly eroded. The main positions in the secularisation debate focus on two distinct approaches (Fitzgerald, 2000: 133). The first perspective that is postulated for examination relates to the ‘bottom up/demandside’ idea of secularisation. According to this view, as societies go through the process of industrialisation, the religious values that underpin the societal fabric will inevitably erode as the publics become more impervious to spiritual pursuits (Gauchet, 1999: 40). At the same time’, the ‘top down/supply side’ theory of secularisation, which highlights that the need for spirituality remains constant across national boundaries, p laces a great deal of emphasis on the role of religions institutions in maintaining adherence to theological principles. This essay will begin by charting the idea that secularisation responds to the gradual phasing out of religious values in modern societies. The second part of the essay will concentrate in the manner in which these values are permanently re-imposed on societies by religious leaders and organisation. Crucially, the second section of the essay highlights the importance of the ‘market’ approach to the theory of secularisation, arguing that the top down/supply side perspective is of fundamental significance in order to understand the persistence of religious practice in modern societies. The bottom up/demand side theory of secularisation The main view propounded by this theory of secularisation is that the advent of the scientific method and rational observation as a method to create societal improvement has shaken the theological foundations that were influential in shaping the evolution of the Western world (Gauchet, 1999: 45). The erosion of supernatural interpretations of the nature of the world has been a permanent cultural phenomenon in the Western world since the advent of the Enlightenment, with its emphasis on universal categorisation that could be subject to empirical observation and rational testability standards (Martin, 1993: 93). The rational template endorsed by industrialised societies rendered the theological claims imposed by the major religions incompatible with the needs of the existence of human collective that relied in an increasing manner on the benefits brought forward by technological advancement (Martin, 2005: 55). There was a gradual and consistent loss of religious faith in Western societ ies that ultimately resulted in the unravelling of theological practices and Church attendances (Martin, 1993: 97). In addition, this provoked a relative corrosion of the social and cultural meanings attached to religious identity, along with a move away from allegiance to political parties and organisations based on denominational values. According to this theory of secularisation, religious and scientific values are at loggerheads, with a constant undermining of Bible teachings by making reference to the Darwinian teachings put together in the theory of evolution (Martin, 1969: 25). The knowledge gained by society through scientific advancement and its application to technological improvements, coupled with the expansion of education opportunities, impacted on the cultural changes that were ushered in Western societies. It could be posited that the tenets of the Enlightenment undercut the metaphysical principles that were responsible for maintaining societal cohesion during the Middle Ages (Martin, 2005: 59). Thinkers like Max Weber stated that the onset of industrialisation and mass capitalism produced an environment of opinion conducive to reducing the idea of the supernatural to the domain of human rationality and subjected to the explanations taken from the hard sciences rather than making reference to metaphysical arguments (Gauchet, 1999: 49). The attainments made by Western societies in the sciences and the feats that took place in the realm of engineering and technology has emphasised the importance of subjecting nature to the control of man (Bruce, 2002: 59). These developments were responsible for a change of perception regarding the advent of personal tragedies and natural disasters on the part of a growing number of individuals, who started to regard those eventsin rational terms, instead of attributing them to mysterious forces outside the control of man. Accordingly, the intellectual authority held by religious ministers became just one of the sources of knowledge to be taken into account (Berger, 1969: 30). Their authority was put in direct competition with the people who displayed their professional expertise across many fields of study and who made use of the rational method. At the same time, the gradual separation between state and church that took place in many European nations and the United States, couple d with the emergence of bureaucratic apparati and modern political parties led to the discrediting of traditional religious institutions. The industrialisation of Western societies had attached to it a series of changes that impacted upon the ability of individuals to experience mystical experienced (Harris, 2005: 61). This includes the steep decline in communal life, the fragmentation between nature and man and the increased use of technology. It is worth mentioning that the interpretation put forward by Max Weber regarding the bottom up/demand side theory of secularisation is based on the effects that the Lutheran Reform and the industrial revolution had on the development of political and religious life in Western Europe and North American (Idinopulos and Wilson, 1998: 101). The idea of disenchantment with the world, as propounded by Weber, compelled individuals to seek salvation in the pursuit of material gain, hence eroding the very foundations of transcendental Christian thin king (Tremlett, 2009: 22). The growing importance of Rationalism was necessarily conducive to being sceptical about the existence of an omnipotent and omniscient God, ultimately resulting in the debunking of religion as a method of explain natural phenomena (Bruce, 2002: 67). It is also important to stress that a bottom up/demand side theory of secularisation can also be understood according the functionalist perspective underlined by Emile Durkheim (Durkheim, 1912, 1995: 73). The French sociologist identified the loss of functional purpose as one of the main reasons behind the erosion of the centrality of religion in the institutional make-up of modern societies (Norris, 2004: 130). This functionalist perspective highlights the idea that a scheme of theology does not just represent a system of beliefs about the nature of existence (Asad, 2003: 90). Instead, it is also a framework of actions concerning certain and certain rituals and symbolism that are performed to signpost the passage of time across the person’s natural lifespan (Durkheim, 1912, 1995: 30). These symbolisms were responsible for maintaining a high degree of social cohesion and stability, hence producing common goods that could be enjoyed by all members of society (Davie, 1994: 88). Conversely, the industrialisation Western European and North American societies generated the fragmentation of the social space by inducing process of technical differentiation that dispersed the sources of knowledge (Wilson, 1966: 76). The specialisation of knowledge production stripped the ecclesiastical authorities of the powers that they had in determining which epistemological approaches should be pursued and how the knowledge created was to be disseminated (McCutcheon, 2003: 119). In addition, all the charity organisations of Christian extraction that had for centuries been in charge of providing for the disenfranchised members of society were replaced by welfare states subsidised by government institutions (Bruce, 2002: 62). These events were the immediate result of the reappraisal of the role of religious doctrines and organisation. By the late nineteenth century, the doctrines and practices proposed by the Church were not deemed to be functional to the task of ensuring th e material welfare of the population (Tremlett, 2009: 19). Instead, the state had become a kind of secular god that had encroached into many areas of the lives of individuals (Berger, 1969: 147). This entailed that the role of religious institutions were strictly confined to the personal realm; in the public domain, the faith gradually ceased to become a powerful force in the shaping of the political evolution of the nation. The top up/supply side theory of secularisation The views exposed in the previous section can be juxtaposed to the perspective highlighted by the top up/supply side theory of secularisation. This perspective underlines the conditions brought about by the spread of religious freedom in contemporary societies, which led to a competitive environment in the market for religious adherents amongst theological organisations (Davie, 1994: 93). This view makes an analogy between theological organisations and business firms, all of which struggle in order to capture a growing segment of the market. The top up/supply side theory of secularisation postulates that the competition between different religious denominations has a positive impact on the preservation of religion as a vibrant force in society (Asad, 2003: 33). This approach explains the manner in which, for example, the level of religious adherence is larger in countries like the United States, where the different theological denomination are engaged in permanent competition in orde r to attract new adherents (Idinopulos and Wilson, 1998: 111). This theory puts forward the notion that an intense competition between the different denominations result in churches striving to keep a dynamic spiritual environment in their congregations, hence helping to retain the relevance of religion in their community (Harris, 2005: 58). In the United States, this has generated a situation in which the older denominations such as Lutherans, Catholics and Presbyterians are losing ground to the evangelical religious organisations. Whilst the evangelical movements demand a great deal of effort on the part of the would-be adherents, they also offer a more intense religious experience than the older denominations; which seems to be a determinant factor in attracting support for their cause (Asad, 1993: 145). Furthermore, the top up/supply side theory of secularisation posits that in cases where religious life is dominated by theological organisations that are directly subsidised by the state, the clergy seems to be less keen to engage with the community of believers, hence leading to the decay of spiritual life in their communities (Stark and Iannaccone, 1994: 232). This theoretical approach seems to replicate the idea that state-owned organisations, be them of an economic or religious nature, tend to be less innovative than private ones (Davie, 1994: 19). For example, in Northern Europe, the established Protestant churches are able to fend off the threat posed by other Christian denominations (Wilson, 1966: 58). This means that the clergy does not have to overexert itself in order to attract the attention of their would-be religious adherents (Asad, 2003: 14). Consequently, this led to a situation in which religious attendance declined in a significant manner, since the number of optio ns available in the spiritual market tends to be quite reduced (McCutcheon, 2003: 46). However, this does not explain the reasons behind the consistently high levels of religious attendance in Southern European and Latin American countries, in spite of the monopoly enjoyed by the Catholic Church (Martin, 1969: 28). It could be argued that a pluralist religious template as the basis for a high level of religious attendance represents a theoretical blueprint that can only be successfully applied to particular settings (Berger, 1969: 61). It would appear that many of the tenets espoused by this particular theory of secularisation are not based on a sound methodological framework (Harris, 2005: 55). To be sure, the idea of a competitive religious market as an instrument that allows countries to reverse religious decline can only be applied to the United States, which is a society that has traditionally been based around the development of communal life; strongly informed by religious v alues in order to connect individuals to their particular cultural and geographical setting (Asad, 1993: 66). At the same time, it has been argued that the level of religious attendance have remained quite consistent across the ages, which entails that there have been no substantial secularisation process as a result of the onset of modernity (McCutcheon, 2003: 48). In addition, it has been noted that the ‘market’ theory of religion can provide a sound basis for explaining overall trends in religious adherence (Stark, 1999: 249). In fact, in Western societies, periods of low attendance alternated with periods of higher levels of religious fervour (Idinopulos and Wilson, 1998: 98). It is therefore important to concede the possibility that the top up/supply side theory of secularisation may provide with a sound framework of reference in order to examine the level of religious adherence in across the ages (Stark, 1993: 389). It would appear that the postmodern condition do es not necessarily mar the possibility of a reconstitution of religious life along more fluid doctrinal lines (Stark, 1999: 260). This goes some way towards rebutting the assumptions put forward by the bottom up/demand side theory of secularisation (Wilson, 1966: 61). The ‘market’ interpretation of religious adherence may provide a better way of understanding the extent to which modern societies have been secularised (Wilson, 1966: 82). The dynamic interactions that take place in the social space give rise to the possibility of more fluid (and therefore more vibrant) religious denominational structures that may rehabilitate the spectrum of religious life in postmodern societies (Stark and Iannaccone, 1994: 231). It could be posited that this trend, directed from the top down and informed by a strong supply side approach borrowed from the field of economics, is ultimately a better way to understand the reasons behind the persistence of religious life in modern societies (Asad, 2003: 14). Conclusion By way of conclusion, it may be posited that the bottom up/demand side theory of secularisation provides with some interesting insights regarding the evolution of religious life in societies that have been affected by the process of industrialisation and modernisation, to be sure, the application of scientific methods of interpreting the nature of reality resulted in profound changes in the nature and extent of religious practice in Western European and North American societies (Berger, 1969: 77). The specialisation of technical knowledge production removed power from the religious authorities regarding the way in which knowledge was to be pursued, created and spread (Norris, 2004: 41). Moreover, the onset of modernisation and industrialisation gave the state a great deal of power in order to provide welfare provisions for its citizens, hence stripping the church institutions of their functional purpose (Fitzgerald, 2000: 122). Notwithstanding the validity of these arguments, they do not explain the persistence of religious attendance throughout the ages (Stark, 1993: 390). There seems to be an inherent human drive to seek the ultimate explanations of the nature of existence by referring to supernatural forces, which explains the resilience of religious practice across the ages. The postmodern condition has given rise to new forms of religious and spiritual practices that thrive thanks to the way in which they are able to utilise technology in order to fulfil their mission (Asad, 1993: 45). For all the reasons cited above, it could be concluded that the theory of secularisation fails to explain the continued interest shown by people in pursuing spiritual avenues for personal advancement; an interest that seems to be more vibrant than ever in the age of fluid doctrinal requirements for religious practice. Bibliography Asad, T. (1993) Genealogies of Religion, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, MD Asad, T. (2003) Formations of the Secular, Stanford University Press, Stanford, CA Berger, P. (1969) The Sacred Canopy, Anchor Books, Garden City, NY Bruce, S. (2002) God is dead-Secularization in the West, Blackwell, Oxford Davie, G. (1994) Religion in Britain since 1945, Blackwell, Oxford Durkheim, E. (1912, 1995) The Elementary Formations of Religious Life, Free Press, New York, NY Fitzgerald, T. (2000) The Ideology of Religious Studies, Oxford University Press, Oxford Gauchet, M., (1999) The Disenchantment with the World, Princeton University Press, Princeton, NJ Harris, S. (2005) The End of Faith, Free Press, New York Idinopulos, T. and Wilson, B. (1998) What is ReligionOrigins, Definitions and Explanations, Brill, Boston Martin, D. (1993) A General Theory of Secularization, Gregg Revivals, Aldershot Martin, D., (1969) The Religious and the Secular, Routledge, London Martin, D. (2005) On Secularisation, Aldergate Publishing Company, Aldershot McCutcheon, R. (2003) The Discipline of Religion-Structure, Meaning, Rhetoric, Routledge, London Norris, P. (2004) Sacred and Secular, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge Stark, R. and Iannaccone, L., A Supply Side Reinterpretation of the Secularization of Europe, Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion ,Vol. 33, No. 3 (Sep., 1994), pp. 230-252 Stark, R., Europe’s Receptivity to New Religious Movements: Round Two, Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, Vol. 32, No. 4 (Dec., 1993), pp. 389-397 Stark, R., Secularization, R.I.P. Source: Sociology of Religion, Vol. 60, No. 3, Autumn, 1999, pp. 249-273 Tremlett, P. F. (2009) Religion and the Discourse on Modernity, Continuum, New York Wilson, B. (1966) Religion in Secular Society, C. A. Watts, London

SAT Scoring - Find Out What Your Score Means

An SAT score is the score awarded to students who have completed the SAT, a standardized test administered by the College Board. The SAT is an admissions test commonly used by colleges and universities in the United States.   How Colleges Use SAT Scores The SAT tests  critical reading, mathematics, and writing skills. Students who take the test are given a score for each section. Colleges look at the scores to determine your skill level and readiness for college. The higher your score is, the better it looks to admission committees who are trying to determine which students should be accepted to their school and which students should be rejected.   Although SAT scores are important, they are not the only thing that schools look at during the admissions process. College admissions committees also consider essays, interviews, recommendations, community involvement, your high school GPA, and much more.   SAT Sections The SAT is split into several different test sections: Reading Test  - This portion of the exam includes command of evidence, words in context, and data analysis questions.  Writing and Language Test  - The questions on the SAT Writing and Language test your ability to analyze writing and correct writing errors. Questions focus on word choice, organization, impact, evidence, and standard English conventions.Math Test  - This section of the SAT asks questions related to algebra, data analysis, and advanced math (complex equations, geometry, trigonometry).  Essay (Optional)  - Students can take the SAT or the SAT with Essay. In other words, the essay is optional. Before you decide not to do the essay, though, you should know that some colleges and universities require SAT essay scores as part of the admissions process. SAT Scoring Range SAT scoring can be very hard to understand, so we are going to take a closer look at how each section is scored so that you can make sense of all of the numbers. The first thing that you need to know is that the scoring range for the SAT is 400-1600 points. Every test taker receives a score in that range. A 1600 is the best score you can get on the SAT. This is what is known as a perfect score. Although there are some students that get a perfect score every year, it is not a very common occurrence.   The two main scores that you need to worry about are: Evidence-Based Reading and Writing Score: The EBRW score combines your scores from the Reading Test and the Writing and Language Test. Your EBRW score will range from 200-800 points.  Math Score: The math score ranges from 200-800 points.   If you decide to take the SAT with Essay, you will be given a score for your essay as well. This score ranges from 2-8 points, with 8 being the highest possible score.